Vakha Agayev is one of the deputies of the sixth convocation, who has the most incredible geographical movements to his credit. A Chechen, born in Kazakhstan, living in Moscow, who made his main fortune in the Caucasus and Krasnodar Territory, but in the State Duma represents the interests of the Krasnoyarsk Territory.
Vakha Abuevich is a historian by first education - in 1977 he graduated from the Chechen-Ingush State University. In 1985 he graduated from the Faculty of Economics of the Moscow Cooperative Institute of the Centrosoyuz, eventually received a doctorate and went into business. In 1998, he founded the Yug-Nefteprodukt company, which was engaged in oil production and transportation in the Caucasus and Krasnodar Territory.
A little later he became a co-owner of the Settlement and Credit Bank, where he worked since 1991.
In 1981 he joined the ranks of the CPSU and decided to get involved in politics seriously in the early 2000s. In 2003, he tried to run for deputy of the State Duma from the Communist Party, but lost the elections. In 2007, he tried again, and lost again. Luck smiled only in 2011 - here it is for sure: God (that is, Allah) loves the trinity, Agayev received a deputy mandate. By the way, this year the State Duma received a “double blow” from the Agayev family, because not only Vakha Abuevich himself was elected as a deputy, but also his son Bekhan, who entered the State Duma from Udmurtia and on the lists of the United Russia party.
For attendance at State Duma meetings, Comrade Agayev can be given a weak “three” - he attended only 61.3% of meetings. But he votes “against” much more often than other parliamentarians - 4.9% did not like him, for comparison - 56.4% of bills received approval from Agayev. Among the bills rejected by the deputy: changes to the legislation on the privatization of municipal property, which would prohibit the transfer of cultural heritage objects into private ownership, or, for example, the expansion of the powers of the state corporation Russian Technologies. He also voted against the early termination of the powers of deputy Gennady Gudkov and the election of Sergei Naryshkin as chairman of the State Duma.
And Agayev doesn’t have too many bills in his “deputy piggy bank” - only 15 over the long five years of work. It is very interesting that father and son Agayev create all the bills together, despite all the disagreements between the parties of the Communist Party of the Russian Federation and United Russia, such is the family business. Among the latter are changes to the legislation on valuation activities and innovations in the procedures for creating joint-stock companies.
Vakha Abuevich is also not good at public speaking during Duma meetings - it’s hard to believe, but in 5 years of being a deputy he has never (!) spoken in front of his colleagues. There was not the slightest remark or even a tiny remark. This is a 100% victory in the “Silent Man of the Sixth Convocation” nomination.
Likewise, Comrade Agayev does not shine in his speeches before the press. Finding his interview online makes it easier for Leonardo DiCaprio to win another Oscar.
Among the scandals in which, one way or another, the name of the Agayev clan was mentioned is the “oil” scandal in the mid-2000s. Then it became known that the Agayevs’ holding company “Yugnefteprodukt” “collided” with the giant “Rosneft” on the coast of Tuapse. Then, in order to avoid capture by Rosneft, Agayev agreed to join the Russneft company of a well-known businessman in the Caucasus, Mikhail Gutseriev, who was close to Ramzan Kadyrov. And Agayev himself was often named among the people close to the Chechen president. And Kadyrov himself never tires of praising Agayev for his generous charitable and philanthropic activities. However, the Agayevs also do not skimp on their own needs.
Officially, Vakha Abuevich, a supporter of the Communist Party of the Russian Federation, owns only an apartment in Moscow and several garage boxes; almost similar property is owned by a businessman - an oligarch. But his son, deputy Bekhan Agayev, openly admitted to journalists about five years ago that he changed his executive-class Mercedes only because it was a “black, gloomy, office salon.” On the recent anniversary of Vakha Abuevich, Ramzan Kadyrov threw a notable anniversary - he personally and heartfeltly congratulated the birthday boy from the stage, as the main gift - the performance of the “golden voice” of Russian pop singer Nikolai Baskov.
"Connections / Partners"
"Themes"
"News"
Main players
Vakha Agayev, founder and head of the board of directors of the Yugnefteprodukt holding, at different times affiliated with the offshore companies Okling Group Ltd., Rutley Company S.A., Moto OJSC, which were among the shareholders of Tuapsenefteprodukt and the Tuapse Oil Refinery before they fell under "Rosneft". Considered close to Ramzan Kadyrov.
link: http://www.compromat.ru/page_ 23900.htm
Billionaires of the working people
It is curious that No. 3 in the same Krasnoyarsk group belongs to the entrepreneurial cohort - another resident of Moscow, chairman of the supervisory board of the Chechen LLC Yug-Nefteprodukt Vakha Agayev. In 2010, he earned 6.7 million rubles, and tens of millions more are kept in his bank account.
link: http://kompromat.flb.ru/material1.phtml?id=11273
The leadership of the Krasnoyarsk regional committee of the Communist Party of the Russian Federation successfully channeled the hope of its voters
link:
Communist, think about it!: on the anniversary of the dispersal of the district committees of the Communist Party of the Russian Federation in Krasnoyarsk
All this allowed party bureaucrats to make decisions based on personal selfish motives. This was confirmed by the elections held in the region, when Vakha Agayev and Mr. Berulava were favorably “attached” as deputies to the State Duma with the help of party officials of the Krasnoyarsk regional committee of the Communist Party of the Russian Federation (i.e., our region will be represented in the Duma by a Chechen and an Ingush, permanently residing - one in Chechnya, and the other in Moscow). At the same time, to please the native of Chechnya, the mandate was successfully transferred to him from Vidmanov, they say for a huge reward.
link: http://krasvremya.ru/kommunist
The meeting of the new State Duma of the Russian Federation was opened by Krasnoyarsk
The Krasnoyarsk region in the Duma is also represented by the former head of Krasnoyarsk Pyotr Pimashkov, the head of the Central Election Commission of United Russia Andrei Vorobyov and the deputy of the previous convocation of parliament Raisa Karmazina. From the Communist Party of the Russian Federation, two Muscovites received mandates on the Krasnoyarsk list - Mikhail Berulava and Vakha Agayev. From “A Just Russia”, State Duma deputy of the previous convocation, former governor of the region Valery Zubov again became a deputy, from the LDPR - judo athlete Dmitry Nosov.
link: http://www.newslab.ru/news/ 422861
The Krasnoyarsk Territory will be represented in the State Duma by two Muscovite communists
By the decision of the Central Election Commission, the deputy mandate of Viktor Vidmanov (regional group of the Communist Party of the Russian Federation “Krasnoyarsk Territory”, No. 2) was transferred to Vakha Agayev, who was third on the regional list. Thus, Mikhail Berulava and Vakha Agayev will represent the Krasnoyarsk Territory in the State Duma from the Communist Party.
link: http://www.krasrab.net/index. php?
Krasnoyarsk communists against the Communist Party of the Russian Federation
The first regional group is headed by academician, rector of the University of the Russian Academy of Sciences Mikhail Berulava, followed by the famous businessman, “red” oligarch Viktor Vidmanov. The third position was taken by the head of Yug-Nefteprodukt LLC Vakha Agayev. Local communists were either not included in the list at all, or ended up in obviously impassable places.
link: http://www.newsland.ru/news/detail/id/791622/
The leadership of the Krasnoyarsk regional committee of the Communist Party of the Russian Federation successfully channeled the hope of its voters
Petr Medvedev and Viktor Vidmanov, campaigning for the “people's party” of the Communist Party of the Russian Federation, managed to push into the State Duma on the Krasnoyarsk party list Mikhail Berulava, a former member of the presidential Public Chamber from the public movement “In Support of the President’s Policy” Putin, and the Chechen oil oligarch Vakha Agayev.
link: http://www.rus-obr.ru/ru-web/ 15891
Billionaires of the working people
It is curious that No. 3 in the same Krasnoyarsk group belongs to the entrepreneurial cohort - another resident of Moscow, chairman of the supervisory board of the Chechen LLC Yug-Nefteprodukt Vakha Agayev. In 2010, he earned 6.7 million rubles, and tens of millions more are stored in his bank account.
link: http://vlpravda.ru/news/1075-millionertruda.html
What are communists silent about?
A case in point is the Krasnoyarsk Territory. According to the Infox.ru website, the “top” of the list of the Communist Party of the Russian Federation has nothing to do with the region. The first place on the list is occupied by the rector of the Russian Academy of Education University, Muscovite Mikhail Berulava. Third place went to the president of the Chechen Yug-Nefteprodukt LLC Vakha Agayev. Here is what Krasnoyarsk City Council deputy, co-founder of the Union of Communists Andrei Seleznev says about this: “The Central Committee simply sold seats to those who needed seats in the State Duma. Number one, Berulava, was elected to the Public Chamber from the All-Russian Social Movement in support of the president’s policies. Agayev is a well-known participant in the “oil wars” in Chechnya. What relation do they have to the region?
link: http://edinros.gov12.ru/newsline-print.htm?ownrubric_ id=1&news_id=1620&
Achinsk communists found “traitors” in their ranks
In turn, the “disgraced” communists believe that they were expelled because they did not agree with the candidacy of Vladimir Sedov for deputy of the Legislative Assembly in the Achinsk single-mandate constituency (he, by the way, won the elections). “From the very beginning, the Coordination Council of the SOTsPROF KKS decided not to support Sedov’s candidacy in the last elections. A lot of people contacted us, whom Sedov promised to help, but, having earned political dividends from them, did not fulfill his promises. As a result, deceived citizens came to us, and we began to solve their problems. In addition, we had a question: who nominated it? Unclear. According to Sedov, this was done by the regional committee. But aren’t there enough worthy communists in Achinsk? Let's take a look at the lists to the State Duma. The first number there is the non-party Moscow oligarch Birulava, and the third is Vakha Abuevich Agaev, an oil entrepreneur from the Krasnodar Territory.
link: http://www.iapress-line.ru/ politics/item/5777-kprf_ predateli
The nomenklatura of the Communist Party of the Russian Federation defends its capitalists with its breasts
“Exposing” the Communist Party of the Russian Federation, writes the Secretary of the Central Committee of the Communist Party of the Russian Federation, Comrade Rashkin, whose list is supposedly teeming with “bloodsuckers”, these “bearish” media literally grabbed hold of such candidates for deputies from the Communist Party of the Russian Federation as deputy of the State Duma of the fourth convocation Sergei Muravlenko (candidate in the Belgorod region ), head of the Roseli company Roman Lipetsky (in the Bryansk region), Chairman of the Board of Directors of Yugnefteprodukt Vakha Agaev (in the Krasnodar Territory), consultant of the non-profit organization Boris Strekalov (in the Stavropol region), deputy of the State Duma of the fourth convocation Viktor Vidmanov (candidate from the Communist Party of the Russian Federation in the Krasnoyarsk Territory), Konstantin Shirshov, deputy director of BDM-AGRO LLC, member of the bureau of the Krasnodar regional committee of the Communist Party of the Russian Federation.
link: http://www.cprf.info/news/party_news/50495.html
Mr. Zyuganov, how much does a seat in the State Duma from the Communist Party of the Russian Federation cost?
The current call for moneybags, it seems, will become among comrade. Zyuganov record for all the years of harvest. Not a day will pass without “fried” details about this appearing in the media. So, for example, at the head of the Krasnoyarsk “troika” of the Communist Party of the Russian Federation is the rector of the University of the Russian Academy of Sciences M. Berulava, who at one time led the movement in support of President Putin. Following him is the notorious “red oligarch” V. Vidmanov. The third position was taken by the head of Yug-Nefteprodukt LLC Vakha Agayev. As they say in Krasnoyarsk, this is “a well-known participant in the “oil wars” in Chechnya, the best friend of Sechin and Kadyrov.”
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| Deputy of the State Duma of the Federal Assembly of the Russian Federation of the VI convocation |
Kyzyl-Orda region,
Kazakh SSR, USSR
Moscow Cooperative Institute of the Centrosoyuz
Vakha Abuevich Agayev(born March 15, Kzyl-Orda, Kazakh SSR) - Russian businessman and politician, deputy of the State Duma of the Russian Federation of the VI and VII convocations.
Biography
In 1977 he graduated from the Faculty of History of the Checheno-Ingush State University. L. N. Tolstoy.
In 1985 he graduated from the Faculty of Economics of the Moscow Cooperative Institute of the Central Union.
In 1998, he created and headed Yug-Nefteproduct LLC.
Since December 4, 2011 - deputy of the State Duma of Russia of the VI convocation (elected as part of the federal list of candidates of the Communist Party of the Russian Federation, a regional group from the Krasnoyarsk Territory) - member of the Communist Party faction, deputy chairman of the State Duma Committee on Property Issues.
In 2016, he was elected to the State Duma of Russia of the 7th convocation (as part of the federal part of the federal list from the Communist Party of the Russian Federation).
Family
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Notes
Links
- and on the website of the State Duma of the Federal Assembly of the Russian Federation
- . Communist Party of the Russian Federation. Retrieved August 11, 2016.
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Excerpt characterizing Agayev, Vakha Abuevich
“Since Prince Bagration will not be there, we can begin,” said Weyrother, hastily getting up from his place and approaching the table on which a huge map of the surrounding area of Brünn was laid out.Kutuzov, in an unbuttoned uniform, from which, as if freed, his fat neck floated out onto the collar, sat in a Voltaire chair, placing his plump old hands symmetrically on the armrests, and was almost asleep. At the sound of Weyrother's voice, he forced his only eye open.
“Yes, yes, please, otherwise it’s too late,” he said and, nodding his head, lowered it and closed his eyes again.
If at first the members of the council thought that Kutuzov was pretending to be asleep, then the sounds that he made with his nose during the subsequent reading proved that at that moment for the commander-in-chief it was about much more important than the desire to show his contempt for the disposition or for anything else. be that as it may: for him it was about the irrepressible satisfaction of a human need - sleep. He was really asleep. Weyrother, with the movement of a man too busy to waste even one minute of time, looked at Kutuzov and, making sure that he was sleeping, took the paper and in a loud, monotonous tone began to read the disposition of the future battle under the title, which he also read:
"Disposition to attack the enemy position behind Kobelnitsa and Sokolnitsa, November 20, 1805."
The disposition was very complex and difficult. The original disposition stated:
Da der Feind mit seinerien linken Fluegel an die mit Wald bedeckten Berge lehnt und sich mit seinerien rechten Fluegel laengs Kobeinitz und Sokolienitz hinter die dort befindIichen Teiche zieht, wir im Gegentheil mit unserem linken Fluegel seinen rechten sehr debordiren, so ist es vortheilha ft letzteren Fluegel des Feindes zu attakiren, besondere wenn wir die Doerfer Sokolienitz und Kobelienitz im Besitze haben, wodurch wir dem Feind zugleich in die Flanke fallen und ihn auf der Flaeche zwischen Schlapanitz und dem Thuerassa Walde verfolgen koennen, indem wir dem Defileen von Schlapanitz und Bellowitz aus weichen, welche die feindliche Front decken. Zu dieserien Endzwecke ist es noethig... Die erste Kolonne Marieschirt... die zweite Kolonne Marieschirt... die dritte Kolonne Marieschirt... [Since the enemy rests his left wing on the forest-covered mountains, and with his right wing he stretches along Kobelnitsa and Sokolnitsa behind the ponds located there, and we On the contrary, if our left wing surpasses his right wing, then it is advantageous for us to attack this last enemy wing, especially if we occupy the villages of Sokolnits and Kobelnits, being given the opportunity to attack the enemy’s flank and pursue him in the plain between Shlapanits and the Tyuras forest, avoiding with those defiles between Shlapanitz and Belowitz, which covered the enemy front. For this purpose it is necessary... The first column marches... the second column marches... the third column marches...], etc., Weyrother read. The generals seemed reluctant to listen to the difficult disposition. The blond, tall General Buxhoeveden stood with his back against the wall, and, fixing his eyes on the burning candle, it seemed that he was not listening and did not even want to be thought that he was listening. Directly opposite Weyrother, fixing his shining open eyes on him, in a militant pose, resting his hands with his elbows outstretched on his knees, sat the ruddy Miloradovich with his mustache and shoulders raised. He remained stubbornly silent, looking into Weyrother’s face, and only took his eyes off him when the Austrian chief of staff fell silent. At this time, Miloradovich looked significantly back at the other generals. But from the meaning of this significant glance it was impossible to understand whether he agreed or disagreed, was pleased or dissatisfied with the disposition. Count Langeron sat closest to Weyrother and, with a subtle smile of a southern French face that did not leave him throughout the reading, looked at his thin fingers, quickly turning the corners of a golden snuffbox with a portrait. In the middle of one of the longest periods, he stopped the rotating movement of the snuffbox, raised his head and, with an unpleasant politeness at the very ends of his thin lips, interrupted Weyrother and wanted to say something; but the Austrian general, without interrupting his reading, frowned angrily and waved his elbows, as if saying: later, then you will tell me your thoughts, now if you please look at the map and listen. Langeron raised his eyes upward with an expression of bewilderment, looked back at Miloradovich, as if looking for an explanation, but, meeting Miloradovich’s significant, meaningless gaze, he sadly lowered his eyes and again began to twirl the snuffbox.
The appearance of Vakha Agayev, a candidate for State Duma deputy from the Krasnoyarsk Territory, on the election list of the Communist Party of the Russian Federation caused protests among communists, who accused the party leadership of selling a party seat to a wealthy businessman from Chechnya. As it turned out, the Agayev family had previously found themselves at the center of a similar scandal, when Vakha Agayev made a place for his son Bekkhan as a candidate for the State Duma only in the Udmurt list of United Russia.
Family business
The reasons why Vakha Abuevich Agayev and his family business became heroes of publications in the Russian press can be counted on one hand. According to the Udmurtia news agency Den, there are only three such reasons.
First of all, the name of Vakha Agayev is mentioned in the history of the struggle for the export of Caucasian oil after the second Chechen war. As Novaya Gazeta wrote in 2009, at the beginning of the 2000s, Vakha Agayev, through offshore companies, owned part of the authorized capital of enterprises that controlled the transshipment of petroleum products abroad in the seaport of Tuapse (Tuapse Refinery and Tuapsenefteprodukt) - until 2004, According to the publication, this was the only way to export Chechen oil, the volume of production of which in monetary terms amounted to over a billion dollars a year. The main conductor of Vakha Agayev’s business at that time was the Yugnefteprodukt holding, which provided part of the oil supplies to the same Tuapse enterprises. According to Novaya Gazeta, in 2004-2006, along with the strengthening of Rosneft in the North Caucasus, Vakha Agayev’s assets entered the orbit of influence of Mikhail Gutseriev’s company Russneft, the only competitor of Rosneft in the southern region. “Rosneft really wanted to get the Krasnodar Oil Refinery, which belonged to Agayev, but it became part of the Gutseriev RussNeft holding,” Novaya Gazeta wrote. – As a result of the transaction, Agayev’s son became the chairman of the board of directors of the Krasnodar Oil Refinery, and subsequently entered the management of another “daughter” of RussNeft. “Vakha Agayev is considered close to Ramzan Kadyrov,” the publication certifies the businessman.
Secondly, in 2007, Vakha Agayev took part in the elections to the State Duma of the Russian Federation on the list of the Communist Party of the Russian Federation from the Krasnodar Territory. Covering the course of the election campaign, a number of Russian media drew attention to the fact that the communists nominated several candidates who did not belong to the worker-peasant class. Among other “red oligarchs” the name of Agayev was mentioned, who ultimately lost the elections.
Finally, the third reason for Vakha Agayev’s fame is his philanthropy and charitable activities. In December 2009, assessing the progress of the restoration of Chechnya, President of the Chechen Republic Ramzan Kadyrov, in particular, stated: “We are restoring social facilities, hospitals, schools... we at one time invited all representatives of the Chechen diaspora in Moscow to actively participate in the process of restoring the republic. However, only Arsamakov, Agaev and Baysarov responded and were actively involved in this process” (quote from Regions.Ru). On the Internet there are also a number of references to the material support that Vakha Agayev may have provided to the athletes of the Grozny FC Terek.
In 2010, in addition to Vakha Agayev, the co-owners of the Yug-nefteprodukt holding were his sons Batyr and Bekhan, who today is preparing to become a deputy of the State Duma of the Russian Federation on the regional list of the Udmurt “United Russia”. According to the information contained in the statements of the Settlement and Credit Bank affiliated with Yug-Nefteprodukt, Bekhan Agayev at that time owned 100 percent of the authorized capital of the offshore Wellworth Holding Limited, which owned 100 percent of the authorized capital of the offshore Okling Group Limited, which owned 5 percent of Yug-Nefteprodukt LLC. According to the same data, 90 percent of the authorized capital of Yug-Nefteprodukt belongs to Vakha Agayev himself.
Toys for son
“United Russia” Bekhan Agayev, unlike his father, is mentioned in the media only once. In 2009, he shared with Itogi magazine his impressions of the restyling of his own Ferrari 430 worth 240 thousand dollars (about 7 million rubles). “Ever since the purchase, Bekhan has not been happy with the black leather interior,” the publication’s correspondent reported with sympathy. In addition, as Itogi wrote, Bekhan was not satisfied with the “loss of former agility” of a sports car due to Russian gasoline (the second similar car, the Ferrari-599, which the businessman “has in Europe,” did not lose agility on foreign gasoline). “But the main reason that made Bekhan think about the future of his horse was the massive appearance of the same red cars on the roads of Moscow,” the publication reported. “Having counted more than two dozen scarlet F430s on the streets of the capital over the weekend, Bekhan came to the conclusion that Ferrari should be sold.”
Fortunately, a solution was found. Professional tuning from the German atelier Hamman eliminated all the shortcomings, including the exhaust sound. True, the cost of the car, according to Itogi, after that increased from 7 to 12 million rubles.
Apparently, his son’s passion for expensive and elite things prompted him to look for a candidate place on a more elite and expensive election list. The brand speaks for itself.
It is worth noting that until recently Bekhan Agayev did not make his mark in politics; he was not a member of the United Russia party.
The lists are different, but the expected result is the same
So, for the Agayev family, the jacket of large businessmen is already too tight. They want something new and interesting. For example, the mandates of deputies of the State Duma.
The future acquisition was approached thoroughly: with the calculation of the success of the future enterprise and the distribution of risks.
They decided to distribute the risks in two directions: third place in the Krasnoyarsk regional group of the Communist Party of the Russian Federation list for Vakha Agayev and fourth place in the Udmurt regional group of the United Russia list for his son Bekhan Agayev.
It is clear that the Agayev family does not care through which party to get into the State Duma, the main thing is to get there. And then...lobbying, lobbying, and more lobbying.
Are the communists and voters of the Krasnoyarsk Territory ready to vote for the Communist Party of the Russian Federation in order to promote the business interests of the Agayevs?
We hope not!
The management of the Yug-Nefteprodukt company has found a new profitable direction for investment. We are talking about the construction of the MainStreet apartment complex, which is being carried out by the Osnova group Alexandra Rucheva. It turns out that the owner of Yug-Nefteprodukt decided to invest in construction. Bekhan Agayev– former State Duma deputy from United Russia, son of a current deputy from the Communist Party of the Russian Federation, a famous Chechen entrepreneur Vahi Agayeva. But if the first was a complete fiasco in the political field, the second has been feeling absolutely confident among his comrades from the Communist Party for many years. Read about how the commercial appetites of the Agayev family organically intertwined with the interests of the Duma opposition in the material of Kompromat GROUP correspondent Georgy Volgin.
Businessmen found each other
As Kommersant reports, the MainStreet complex, being built in the west of the capital, is the second joint project of the Osnova group and the Yug-Nefteproduct company. The first named was the Red7 residential complex, located in the center of Moscow.
It turns out that previously Yug-Nefteprodukt became a co-owner of the Red7 development company, and since August a similar situation has arisen with Voskresenye LLC, which is constructing MainStreet. Moreover, from Alexander Ruchev’s commentary to Kommersant it follows that these will not be the only joint projects of the new partners.
Of course, myself Vakha Agayev, who sits today in the communist faction of the State Duma, cannot have an official relationship with these undertakings. However, without his unofficial approval, it is unlikely that things would have moved forward. In the end, it is too early to write off one of the sponsors of the Communist Party of the Russian Federation: in the Caucasus they listen to the opinions of their elders, and then try to draw the right conclusions.
Masters of "black gold"
The origins of the family business lie in the 1990s. In 1998, Vakha Agayev created the Yug-Nefteprodukt company, which continues to operate successfully today. Its main assets were enterprises located outside the Krasnodar Territory; in particular, shares of the Krasnodar and Tuapse oil refineries (ORs) were acquired.
In 2004, Rosneft acquired a stake in the Tuapse Oil Refinery, which was a producer and exporter of Chechen oil. For some time, Vakha Agayev was a business partner of another oil industrialist - Mikhail Gutseriev, however, he wisely refrained from participating in the latter’s confrontation with the Kremlin. Nevertheless, the Krasnodar oil refinery, which belonged to Vakha Agayev, became part of Mikhail Gutseriev’s holding, of course, taking into account the interests of the previous owner.
Novaya Gazeta called Agayev one of the main players in the Chechen oil market and a person close to the head of the republic Ramzan Kadyrov. In any case, one cannot deny him economic influence and political flexibility, especially since not all of those who took part in the “oil redistribution” survived.
Communism is the last refuge of the oligarch
Agayev Sr. made his first attempt to enter big politics back in 2003, when he first ran for the State Duma on the lists of the Communist Party of the Russian Federation. This attempt ended in failure for him, as did the next one - participation in the 2007 parliamentary elections. Let us note that his fellow countrymen gave him a ride past the Duma seat: the first time he was nominated on the lists of the North Caucasus regional group, the second time - on the lists of the Ust-Labinsk (Krasnodar Territory). But voters did not support him either in his small homeland or in the place of “oil” activity.
Luck smiled only in 2011: Vakha Agayev was finally elected to the lower house of parliament. This time he did not get involved with the southern regions and entered third in the regional group of the Krasnoyarsk Territory. In 2016, the Chechen businessman was already included in the federal part of the party list of the Communist Party of the Russian Federation, which meant sure entry into parliament.
We must give him his due: all this time, Agayev Sr. adhered to the party line chosen many years ago. He also supported the party financially. According to media publications, in 2012-2013. The Krasnoyarsk regional branch of the Communist Party received donations from Yug-Nefteproduct LLC in the amount of 1.4 million rubles.
As Novaya Gazeta reported, among the commercial structures that made the largest contributions to the election needs of the Communist Party of the Russian Federation in 2016 are Yug-Nefteprodukt LLC and the Settlement and Credit Bank established by the oil company, which transferred 43 million rubles each. With such generosity, is it any wonder that Agayev received a place on the federal list of candidates?
From outsiders to leaders
But if Agayev Sr.’s participation in political life has already become something taken for granted, then the entry into politics of his son Bekhkan first caused bewilderment, and then a real flurry of indignation.
In 2011 Bekhan Agayev became a State Duma deputy from the United Russia party. Moreover, he was elected on the regional list of the Republic of Udmurtia, in which he took fourth place. Republican journalists and social activists wondered how a person who had nothing to do with the region and was unknown to anyone here ended up among the authoritative Udmurt politicians? Even a blind man could see that there was a financial interest involved.
True, despite being included in the regional list, Agayev Jr. never became a deputy. This is where a scandal broke out: the leader of the Udmurt national movement “Udmurt Kenesh”, a well-known republican politician, unexpectedly refused his parliamentary mandate Nikolay Musalimov, who occupied second place on the party list.
The press did not rule out that Musalimov made his decision under pressure from the President of Udmurtia Alexandra Volkova, who was accused of “shameful voter fraud.” As a result, a Chechen businessman was appointed to represent the Udmurt population.
Family contract of legislators
How did the Agayev father and son remember their voters as legislators? The answer is simple: nothing. On the State Duma website in the sections “Deputy Speeches” there are no opinions voiced from the Duma rostrum on any topical issue.
Over the five years of his parliamentary powers, Bekhan Agayev co-authored 40 bills and legislative amendments, 15 of which were rejected or withdrawn from consideration. His father, over a longer period of work in parliament, took part in the writing of 43 bills, of which 20 were rejected or returned to the subject of law. Considering that the authors of the projects are a dozen, and often more, parliamentarians, how can we evaluate the effectiveness of their work? Or did they set themselves a different goal for being within the walls of the State Duma?
“It doesn’t matter to the Agayev family which party they get into the State Duma through, the main thing is to get there. And then...lobbying, lobbying, and more lobbying",” Krasnoyarskaya Pravda wrote about them. And most recently, the publication NEWSru.com, in a publication with the characteristic title “Siloviki, oil, cognac, Russian Orthodox Church: whose interests are promoted by State Duma deputies through their bills,” touched on the family’s interests in the oil business.
It is worth noting that the party comrades themselves actually put an end to Agayev’s son’s political career. This happened in February 2016 at the next United Russia congress, when Dmitry Medvedev declared the inadmissibility of nepotism in politics. The topic was instantly developed by a State Duma deputy, a member of the General Council of the party Valery Trapeznikov. The deputy named specific names of those who made politics a “family contract,” including the Agayev family.
“I propose to adopt a resolution at the congress - down with the political dynasty from the United Russia party,— TASS quoted Trapeznikov’s emotional words. The party members decided to wait with the resolution, but Bekhan Agayev could forget about further work in the State Duma. They chose to sacrifice them.
"My tongue is my enemy"
And yet, a couple of times Bekhan Agayev was able to find himself in the center of media attention. The first time was in 2009 (that is, even before his election as a deputy), when he shared with a correspondent of the Itogi magazine his impressions of a Ferrari-430 car he owned, worth 240 thousand dollars. The question of the political future of the hero of the publication was not yet relevant, otherwise he would hardly have allowed himself reasoning like what Kompromat GROUP will quote below:
“But the main reason that made Bekhan think about the future of his horse was the massive appearance of the same red cars on the roads of Moscow. Having counted more than two dozen scarlet F430s on the streets of the capital over the weekend, Bekhan came to the conclusion that Ferrari should be sold.”
The scale of thinking is amazing, isn't it? Having become familiar with such conclusions, not everyone will laugh at jokes about blondes.
The second funny incident occurred in 2013 and was associated with the deputy’s annual declaration of income and property. According to official data, during the reporting period Bekhan Agayev earned more than the other four deputies from Udmurtia combined (his income amounted to 18.22 million rubles). True, information about his wife mysteriously disappeared from the declaration he published, despite the fact that they were present in 2012, and the income of the deputy’s wife exceeded his own, amounting to 44.5 million rubles.
The incident occurred at the height of a scandal related to fictitious divorces of Russian parliamentarians: it turned out that 30 State Duma deputies chose to terminate official relationships with their wives in order to hide information about their real income.
It soon became clear that the representative of Udmurtia suffered from his own legal illiteracy; more precisely, the role of the switchman was played by a deputy assistant. “Member of the United Russia faction Bekhan Agayev is in a civil marriage, but last year, due to the incompetence of his assistant, he filed a declaration for his wife. This year, he learned what Zhirinovsky was talking about: deputies declare the income of spouses only when their relationship is officially registered,”- Komsomolskaya Pravda informed readers.
It’s really unknown what would be better: to refrain from commenting altogether or to first consult with one of your colleagues. For example, with the same Zhirinovsky, who gave his younger comrade a belated educational program on filling out the declaration. I made up, so to speak, for the omission of my own father, who, by the way, was also a deputy.
Reporting can be corrected
However, the Agayevs know how to hide ends in the water. This also applies to the Yug-Nefteprodukt company. Today, the sole founder of the enterprise is Bekhan Agayev. However, back in 2004, its 100% owner was the offshore company Okling Group Ltd, registered in the Virgin Islands.
If you believe the publications in the media, then before finally registering in Russia, Yug-Nefteprodukt belonged to INTERINOL Handelsgesellschaft mbH, a company registered in Germany. Since November 2005, 5% of the shares were returned to Okling Group Ltd, and the same amount was transferred to the ownership of RUTLEY COMPANY S.A., registered again in the Virgin Islands. And here it is appropriate to recall the question that the Russian media asked in the initial period of Agayev Sr.’s political career: how legal was his financing of the Communist Party? And didn't it happen that Gennady Zyuganov comrades, discarding party dogma and not giving a damn about ideological postulates, took money from a company with offshore founders?
By the way, reports have repeatedly appeared in the press that in the early 2000s, Vakha Agayev, through a network of offshore companies, was the owner of the authorized capital of a number of enterprises involved in exporting Chechen oil abroad through the Tuapse port. The authors of Novaya Gazeta mentioned the same companies discussed above.
As for Yug-Nefteprodukt, as Sobesednik writes, “shares in the company constantly change hands between the father who founded it and his two sons”. We are talking about Bekhan and his brother Batyr, who managed the enterprise during the period of his relatives’ parliament. It also follows from press publications that while deputy Vakha Agayev himself indicates rather modest income in his declarations, luxury real estate is acquired into the company’s ownership.
We are talking, in particular, about the acquisition of several apartments in the Ostrozhenka 11 residential complex, which were purchased in December 2016, shortly after Agayev’s re-election to the State Duma. The total area of the three apartments is 813.5 square meters. meters, and the total cost can reach 1.8 billion rubles “It is curious that in the year of purchase of this property, Yug-Nefteprodukt showed only losses in its accounting reports,”- states the “Interlocutor”.
And God bless her, with official reporting! If necessary, you can correct something in it, or remove something completely. Moreover, the roles in the family are clearly distributed: while dad strengthens his political positions, children discover new promising areas, such as construction, for example. The main thing is not to weaken control. Otherwise they will be kicked out of business, just like they were kicked out of the State Duma at one time.
